Glastonbury

The working notes below originated in the early 1990s. See now Charters of Glastonbury Abbey, ed. S. E. Kelly, Anglo-Saxon Charters 15 (Oxford, 2012).

<Potted pre-history of Glastonbury abbey.  The abbey was refounded as a Benedictine community c. 940, under Abbot Dunstan.  Etc.  Thurstan, appointed abbot of Glastonbury in the late 1070s, is said to have claimed on the authority of ancient charters in the archives of his own house that no-one apart from the abbot of Glastonbury had jurisdiction over the abbots of Muchelney and Athelney, asserting his rights in this respect against a claim by Giso, bishop of Wells (WM, DAntG, ch. 76).  Glastonbury abbey was thus prominent among the centres of religious influence and political power in Anglo-Saxon England, and by the eve of the Norman Conquest had come to be the wealthiest ecclesiastical foundation in the land.  Great fire at Glastonbury in 1184.> 

<Particular interest of the archive; effort worthwhile because of the abbey’s historical importance.>  Understanding of the pre-Conquest muniments of Glastonbury abbey must proceed from the contents of Cambridge, Trinity College, MS. R. 5. 33, a miscellany compiled at Glastonbury towards the middle of the thirteenth century (with later additions).  For a detailed account of this manuscript, see Crick, ‘The Marshalling of Antiquity: Glastonbury’s Historical Dossier’.  Dr Crick’s analysis of the contents of the manuscript in relation to its physical structure and scribal stints makes it possible properly to appreciate the nature of the miscellany as originally conceived in the late 1240s.  The main component parts were as follows: (1) A recension of William of Malmesbury’s De antiquitate Glastoniensis ecclesie (fols. 1r-18v); printed in AD, ed. Hearne, i. 1-122, and (with translation) by Scott, Early History of Glastonbury, pp. 40-167.  (2) The Libellus de rebus gestis Glastoniensibus, being a history of the abbey from 1126 to c. 1230, later attributed (in its augmented form) to Adam of Damerham (fols. 21r-51v); printed in AD, ed. Hearne, ii. 303-502.  (3) A list of the charters contained in the Glastonbury Liber Terrarum, followed by classified lists of charters preserved in the abbey’s archive in single-sheet form (fols. 77r-87v); printed in JG, ed. Hearne, ii. 370-418.  (4) Some texts of general historical interest, including accounts of the archbishoprics of York and Canterbury, and lists of kings (fols. 100rv, 101r).  (5) Miscellaneous documents pertaining to Glastonbury (fols. 118r-122r).  Two further items appear to have been inserted in or added to the miscellany at about the time of its compilation: (6) A collection of papal privileges for the abbey (1123-1247), with charters of Henry III (fols. 89r-94v + 96r-98v); and (7) A catalogue of the books in the library of Glastonbury abbey, originally compiled in 1247, and corrected in the following year (fols. 102r-103v); printed in JG, ed. Hearne, ii. 423-42.

One of the items listed in the catalogue of the Glastonbury library is described as follows: ‘Liber terrarum Glastonie, uetustus sed legibilis’ (JG ii. 435, from Trinity College, MS. R. 5. 33, 103r, col. i, line 42); the entry was subsequently crossed out, apparently when the catalogue was checked in 1248, perhaps indicating that the book in question had been removed from the library and placed elsewhere in the abbey.  The Glastonbury Liber Terrarum has not survived, but fortunately its contents can be reconstructed in some detail from the list headed ‘Carte contente in libro terrarum Glastonie’, in MS. R. 5. 33, 77rv (JG ii. 370-5); see Appendix 3 (below, pp. 000-00). 

It emerges from this list that the Liber Terrarum contained copies of over 130 pre-Conquest charters.  The great majority were royal diplomas; if any vernacular records (writs, wills, etc.) were preserved in the Glastonbury archive, the compiler of the Liber Terrarum had clearly decided not to include them.  The separate entries in the list of contents generally provide no more than the name of the grantor of the charter in question, the place to which it referred, and the name of the beneficiary (e.g. ‘Edwius de Lambageate dat. Cynrico’); but some of the entries pertaining to charters in favour of laymen add a note to the effect that the beneficiary gave the estate to the abbey, presumably on the basis of information contained in the cartulary.  Forty-six of the charters in the Liber Terrarum date from the earlier Anglo-Saxon period (before 900), of which twenty-eight were in favour of the abbey and eighteen in favour of laymen; the remaining eighty-six charters date from the tenth century, of which sixteen were in favour of the abbey and seventy <69?> in favour of laymen.  There is evidence of a chronological arrangement to the extent that the cartulary begins with a concentration of seventh- and eighth-century charters; but there is little detectable sense of order in the arrangement of the ninth- and tenth-century charters, though charters relating to the same estate tend to be grouped together.

<The Liber Terrarum is a well-known ‘lost’ source, and the information about its contents has long been exploited by historians.  It is important, however, to give it as much substance as possible, so that it may more readily take its place as a historical document in its own right.  The Liber Terrarum contained copies of over 130 pre-Conquest charters, almost all of which were royal diplomas.  Entries in the list of its contents are not numbered, but the charters were evidently numbered in the cartulary itself; charters cited below by their ‘LT’ number, as in Appendix 3.  One of the surviving single sheets from the archive is endorsed ‘… et est septima in landebok’ (S 236), and another is endorsed ‘… et est lxviii in landbok’ (S 563); copies of these charters were indeed to be found in the Liber Terrarum, in the indicated position (see LT 7 and LT 68).  It follows that the list of contents in Trinity R. 5. 33 is likely to be accurate.  46 dated from the period before 900, of which 28 were in favour of the abbey and 18 in favour of laymen; the remaining 86 charters dated from the tenth century, of which 16 were in favour of the abbey and 70 in favour of laymen.  General character of Liber Terrarum.  Royal diplomas; no writs or wills.  Majority of extant tenth-century charters are genuine and unadulterated; less easy to be sure of seventh- and eighth-century texts, and there are some striking coincidences between these charters and later endowment (as recorded in DB).  Earlier charters are concentrated in earlier part of the cartulary; some attempt at grouping of charters topographically.  Emphasis is on 930s, 940s and 950s, and on charters in favour of laymen.  Perhaps not as many of King Eadwig as one might expect.  See Fellowship thesis, pp. 170-86.>

The chronological distribution and general nature of the tenth-century texts can be expressed as follows:

The charters are not separately numbered in the list of contents, but it is apparent that they were so numbered in the cartulary itself.  One of the surviving single sheets from the Glastonbury archive is endorsed ‘… et est septima in landebok’ (S 236), and another is endorsed ‘… et est lxviii in landbok’ (S 563); copies of these charters were entered in the Liber Terrarum, in the indicated positions (LT 7 and LT 68, in Appendix 3).  It follows, of course, that list of the contents of the Liber Terrarum must be substantially complete.  

<Cf. Fellowship thesis, pp. 170-86.  Check figures.>

<Date of the Liber Terrarum; see Robinson, Somerset Historical Essays, pp. 44-7, and Finberg, ECW, pp. 14-15.  Not significant that it is called ‘old’ in 1247: might apply to a book 150 years old, or 250 years old.  Only two charters of King Æthelred the Unready (LT 79, 133), of which the latter was apparently dated 984; nothing later.  Hence the view that the Liber Terrarum was compiled in the late tenth century (Robinson), or the early eleventh century (Finberg).  A matter of some interest, since if compiled in the late tenth century the Liber Terrarum would be the earliest cartulary.  One should bear in mind, however, that twelfth-century cartularies sometimes have nothing later than Æthelred; so could simply reflect decline in number of charters issued, and use of earlier charters as title-deeds.  The Liber Terrarum was certainly in existence in early twelfth century.  It was used by William of Malmesbury, c. 1130: see DAntG ch. 70 (assuming that this is part of William’s work) - first lists a group of estates in order of their occurrence in 1247 List D (probably chronological order, perhaps suggesting that 1247 arrangement of single sheets was established by his day), and thereafter in order of their occurrence in LT.>

<Critical factor in assessing date of Liber Terrarum is relationship between charters as a group and the endowment of the abbey TRE and TRW, as recorded in Domesday Book.  Archival criticism: useful to distinguish between various categories of charter in this as in any other cartulary; above, p. 000.  (1) Charters directly in favour of the abbey, for estates given by kings.  (2) Charters in favour of laymen, for estates subsequently given by the beneficiaries to the abbey.  (3) Charters in favour of laymen, constituting earlier title-deeds transferred to Glastonbury with the land (with or without a ‘new’ charter), whether given by kings or by heirs of lay beneficiaries.  (4) Charters relating to estates which have no discoverable connection with the abbey - could be title-deeds for Glastonbury estates appropriated from the abbey before Domesday survey (by force, or as a result of leasing); or for estates sold or exchanged (e.g. after compilation of the cartulary); or charters deposited at Glastonbury for safe-keeping, by laymen (incl. King Eadred); or even charters written at Glastonbury on behalf of others (i.e. ‘Dunstan B’ type).  If late-tenth-century, there should be several TRE estates not covered in LT; or there may be indications that the contents of LT represent TRE/TRW endowment of the abbey, and that LT might therefore be late-eleventh or early-twelfth-century.  LT coverage of DB endowment is fairly comprehensive; if compiled in late tenth century, not much scope for eleventh-century additions (e.g. bequests by local landholders, as at Ely).  LT 33 is described in contents-list as ‘Tumbeord episcopus de Logderesdone .i. Montagu’, where ‘.i. Montagu’ [Montacute] might imply post-Conquest compilation; but possible, of course, that ‘.i. Montagu’ was a later addition in the heading in the cartulary.  LT 120 was title-deed for Tarnock and Stawell, Somerset; land perhaps not acquired until after the Conquest; but cf. C5.  LT 121-2 were title-deeds for Camerton, Somerset; land at Camerton not acquired until c. 1080.  But none of this is decisive; and one could not assume that pre-Conquest charters would be transferred in connection with post-Conquest transactions.>

<Further application of archival criticism.  Compare charters in LT with charters recorded in 1247, entered in GCG, or recorded in Longleat MS. 39A.  Purpose of exercise to establish whether any quantity of charters came into archives too late for inclusion in LT (or whether they were not entered in LT for some other reason); again, if LT is late-tenth-century, there might be several ‘later’ charters in archives, which accumulated in late-tenth and eleventh centuries.  Several charters of Æthelred in 1247 lists, not in LT: see A16, C11-14, D22.  On the face of it, the observation constitutes a good reason for believing that LT was compiled in earlier part of Æthelred’s reign.  But argument would be more compelling if there were not also several charters of earlier tenth-century kings in 1247 lists, also not in LT; also no charters in 1247 lists of Cnut, Harthacnut and Edward the Confessor.  Important to bear in mind the possibility that some single sheets might have been manufactured at Glastonbury at about the time of the Domesday survey, or later; shouldn’t assume that a single sheet is necessarily contemporary with named grantor (e.g. S 553 (1247 Lists C6)).  This may explain why several charters which purport to be Glastonbury title-deeds in the lists are not to be found in LT, even though they were issued in the names of tenth-century and earlier kings: possible that some of these charters were fabricated after compilation of LT, to provide direct grants to the abbey; also possible that lands since lost, or other charters preferred.  Cf. production of charters at, e.g., Burton and Exeter.  Conclusion about date of LT.  One cannot simply assume that it was compiled in the late tenth century, simply because there is nothing post Æthelred; matter is far more complex, and must depend on analysis of contents as a whole in relation to recorded endowment.  I would like to believe it was late tenth-century; but would guess mid-eleventh century, shortly before or soon after the Conquest.  Absence of wills or writs perhaps reflects the kind of impression it was intended to create.>

<General historical issues raised by the LT: e.g. early history of the abbey - how advanced was Glastonbury’s conception of its distant past when the LT was compiled?; Mercian supremacy over parts of Somerset in eighth century (e.g. LT 17, 20, 28); what goes on in the ninth century, i.e. fortunes of the abbey during reigns of Æthelwulf and his sons, and on into early tenth century (see also Eanwulf comes, in LT 91-3); re-foundation of the abbey c. 940, and process of endowment.  Particular benefactors (or laymen closely associated with the abbey).  Not all identifications certain; great care must be taken. Eanwulf: 91, 92, 93.  Wulfric: LT 34, 48, 66 (direct?); LT 43, 44, 46 (via Ælfwine); LT 85, 104, 105, 112, 126 (less certain, or demonstrably not).  Brihtric: LT 97, 118, 119.  Ealdorman Æthelstan Half-King (son of Æthelfrith): LT 41, 42, ? 55 et al. (cf. Hart, pp. 125-6, all Æthelstan = Half-King).  Ealdorman Eadric (brother of Half-King): LT 108, ?? 84 (Hart, p. 120).  Ealdorman Æthelwold (brother of Half-King): ?? LT 45, 122, 123 (Hart, p. 119).  Æthelstan comes (son of Æthelnoth): LT 40; ?? LT 55, 101, D15.  Ealdorman Ælfheah (and wife, Ælfswith): LT 69, 96, cf. 106, 109, 113; S 866. Ealdorman Ælfhere of Mercia (brother of Ælfheah): LT 89, 90, cf. 106, 116, 117.  Ælfflæd, ‘widow of Edward the Elder’: LT 49, 50, 102; cf. 74.  Ælfswith, ‘queen’: LT 103, ? 110, 111, 114, ? 127.  Cf. obits.  Was it a process of acquisition, or of benefactions?  Any means of establishing Dunstan’s methods (and comparing them with Bishop Æthelwold’s at Ely)?  Evidence for handing over of sometimes much earlier title-deeds when an estate was acquired.  Use of abbey’s archives as place of safe-keeping for charters, either by King Eadred (see B’s Life of St Dunstan), or by other laymen.>

<Diplomatic interest of charters in Liber Terrarum.  Alliterative (‘Dunstan A’) charters, but not produced at Glastonbury: LT 43 (S 472) and 85 (S 473).  Most interesting point to emerge is evidence for role of Dunstan and Glastonbury in production of the so-called ‘Dunstan B’ charters of King Eadred in the early 950s; see Diplomas, pp. 46-8, plus Hart, and Chaplais (PM, pp. 47-8).  Brief review of case for regarding some of them as products of Glastonbury (and historical implications).  LT 131 (S 509) and 116 (S 555), anticipating type.  LT 67 (S 568) and 68 (S 563), classic type; of which S 563 is extant in original form, presumably written at Glastonbury.  LT 97 (? S 570) and 109 (? S 564), both of classic type, apparently copies of Dunstan B charters kept at Glastonbury, but preserved in Shaftesbury and Abingdon cartularies respectively - most peculiar and interesting.  See also LT 82 (S 743) and 83 (S 791), later examples.>

<William of Malmesbury’s De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie, written c. 1129.  Among the sources he used was the ‘Gospel-book of St Dunstan’, which contained a list of relics (allegedly) given to the abbey by King Æthelstan (see DAntG, ch. 54), and a copy of King Edmund’s charter of privileges (S 499), written in golden letters (DAntG, ch. 56).  Also clear that he used the charters in the Liber Terrarum.  Discrepancies between his information and either LT or the charters?  Assumes that beneficiary of charter gave land to abbey; not necessarily always the case.  Clear that he also had some other material; i.e. didn’t just use LT.  Note first appearance in DAntG of series of Glastonbury privileges, not in LT: S 246, 250, 152, (257), 303, 499, 783, 966.>

<Lists of single-sheet charters at Glastonbury in 1247 (Trinity R. 5. 33, 77r-78v, ptd JG ii. 370-9).  List A (20 charters): royal charters in favour of Glastonbury, concerning lands which the abbey still held in 1247; without seals.  List B (11 charters, plus one): royal charters in favour of kings’ servientes, concerning lands which the abbey still held in 1247; without seals.  List C (15 charters): royal charters in favour of Glastonbury, concerning lands which the abbey no longer held in 1247.  List D (22 charters): royal charters in favour of kings’ servientes, concerning lands which were believed formerly to have belonged to the abbey, but which the abbey no longer held in 1247.  For the charters in question, see Appendix 3.>

<The ‘Great Cartulary of Glastonbury’ (Longleat House, MS. 39 (Davis 434), compiled c. 1340; ptd in The Great Chartulary of Glastonbury, ed. A. Watkin, 3 vols., Somerset Record Soc. 59, 63 and 64 (1947, 1952, 1956).  The ‘Great Cartulary’ contains about 40 pre-Conquest charters.  Selection of charters was determined by the abbey’s holdings in the fourteenth century, and their arrangement reflects the topographical organisation of the abbey’s archives (introduced after 1247).  Several instances of charters filed (and copied) under one place when in fact they referred to a quite different place: e.g. S 644 (Lyme Regis, Dorset) filed under Uplyme, Devon; S 399 (Winterbourne, Wiltshire) filed under Winterbourne Monkton, Wiltshire; S 551, 747 and 1690 (Merton, Surrey) filed under Damerham and Martin, Hampshire; S 721 (Ottery, Devon) filed under Othery, Somerset; S 498 (Brampford Speke, Devon) filed under Brent, Somerset.  Great Cartulary represents endowment after losses, etc., from the latter part of the eleventh century to the mid-fourteenth century; thus less extensive in its coverage than the Liber Terrarum.>

<It is apparent that the compiler of the Great Cartulary usually worked from ‘originals’, but he also provides several cross-references to the Liber Terrarum.  A statement in the table of contents at the beginning of the Great Cartulary (fols. 5r-12r) indicates that S 966 was written ‘in principio de Landeboc’; the text of S 227 is said to have been derived ‘per copiam’ (GCG ii. 365), perhaps with reference to LT 3; the text of S 513 was derived ‘per copiam in landbok’ (GCG iii. 627), with reference to LT 37; a statement following the text of S 580 indicates that the bounds of the estate were to be found ‘in libro qui dicitur Landebok’ (GCG i. 201), with reference to LT 62; and a statement following the texts of the three Idmiston charters (S 775, 530 and 541) indicates that the bounds of the estate were to be found ‘in libro qui dicitur Lande Bok’ (GCG iii. 644), with reference to LT 103-5.  The process of cross-reference continued, for against the text of S 551 a later hand has written a note to the effect that the bounds of the estate in question ‘sunt in fine libri qui dicitur Landebok’ (GCG iii. 628), apparently with reference to LT 112.>

<The ‘Secretum Abbatis’, or ‘Secretum Domini’ (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Wood empt. 1 (Davis 435)), is substantially a fair copy of the ‘Great Cartulary’, made c. 1342 for Abbot Walter de Monington.  Charters in SD not in GCG.  Mon. Angl. ii. 837-44: charters ptd from Glastonbury register, penes R. Sheldon de Beoley, Worcestershire.  Extra witnesses in S 250.>

<In 1342-3 a monk of Glastonbury compiled a ‘Feodary’ in respect of the abbey’s lands, tracing the tenurial history of each estate from the late eleventh century to his own day.  Now bound up with the ‘Secretum Domini’.  Oxford, Bodleian Library, Wood empt. 1, fols. 293-336; see A Feodary of Glastonbury Abbey, ed. F. W. Weaver, Somerset Record Society 26 (1910).  He lists the seven principal books from which he derived his information, designating them for purposes of citation by the letters of the ‘Christ cross’ alphabet (±, A, B, C, D, E, F, etc.).  The cross signified a book called the Liber Sancti Dunstani, or the Liber Domusday, the outer board of which was said to have been covered in silver-gilt, bearing an ivory crucifix made by St Dunstan himself.  The letter ‘A’ signified the book called ‘antiquus Custumarius et feodarius de tempore domini Henrici de Soliaco, quondam abbatis Glastoniensis’, an inquisition of the abbey’s estates made in 1189, which still survives among the muniments of the Marquess of Bath at Longleat House (Davis 447); see Liber Henrici de Soliaco, Abbatis Glaston. et vocatur A: an Inquisition of the Manors of Glastonbury Abbey, ed. J. E. Jackson (London, 1882).  Various other books or registers were designated by the letters ‘B’ to ‘F’: ‘B’ was a feodary compiled c. 1197 by Thomas atte Nye (cf. Crick, p. 230); ‘C’ was a ‘Liber albus de antiquitatibus Glastonie’; ‘D’ was the ‘Secretum Domini’ (preferred, it seems, to the Great Cartulary itself); ‘E’ was another customary and feodary of the abbey, compiled during the abbacy of Roger de Ford (1252-61), now BL Add. 17450 (Davis 448); and ‘F’ was a register of John of Breynton (abbot of Glastonbury, 1334-42).  It would appear to follow that the Liber Sancti Dunstani, or Liber Domusday, was considered to be the most venerable of the abbey’s registers; and the fact that it took precedence over the register of Henry de Sully gives some impression of its age.  Moreover, it is clear from the numerous citations of ‘±’ in the body of the Feodary of 1342 that the Liber Sancti Dunstani contained material corresponding to the entries for the abbey’s estates in Domesday Book, whence its alternative name, Liber Domusday.  Yet it is difficult to believe that a few pages of Domesday-related material could have come to be known as the Liber Sancti Dunstani, and bound in such an elaborate form; and it is possible, therefore, that ‘Liber Sancti Dunstani’ was the term applied at Glastonbury to a grander book which had some association with Dunstan, but which also contained the Domesday material, giving rise to its alternative name.  One might wish to suppose that the Liber Sancti Dunstani was none other than the Textus Sancti Dunstani mentioned by William of Malmesbury; but perhaps one would have expected the compiler of the Feodary to identify the book he used as a gospel-book (with records inserted in it for safe-keeping), had indeed it been so.  The possibility must therefore exist that the Liber Sancti Dunstani was the Liber Terrarum under yet another name.  The identification was mooted by Armitage Robinson, but immediately rejected by him on the grounds that the Liber Sancti Dunstani was so-called only because of its binding, and clearly contained records of the enfeoffment of Norman knights (Somerset Historical Essays, p. 45).  One could respond, however, that ‘Liber Sancti Dunstani’ would have been an entirely appropriate term for the bulk of the Liber Terrarum, whatever its date, and that ‘Liber Domusday’ would have been no less apposite if intended with respect to the last item in the Liber Terrarum (LT 137: ‘Nomina diuersorum maneriorum pertinencium Glastonie’), which was quite possibly material related to the Domesday account of the abbey’s estates.  On the strength of this evidence one is accordingly tempted to visualise the Liber Terrarum or Landbok as a venerable tome in a silver-gilt binding, otherwise known as the Liber Sancti Dunstani (whether by virtue of its contents or because an ivory crucifix believed to be of Dunstan’s workmanship was mounted on the cover) and also cited as the Liber Domusday because it contained material related to the account of the abbey’s estates in Domesday Book.  This may seem to be an exercise in wishful thinking; but perhaps no more so than equating the Liber Sancti Dunstani with the Textus Sancti Dunstani, or positing the existence of an ancient Glastonbury register which was distinct from the Liber Terrarum and which escaped all attention in 1247.>

<Charters still at Glastonbury in fifteenth century.  See Longleat House, MS. 39A [formerly 38B] (Davis 439).  Some entries printed by A. J. Horwood, in HMC Fourth Report (1874), Appendix, p. 228; but there are several others.  Shows that majority of the charters which had been included in GCG still existed then, on single sheets.  Classified according to estates, in very much the same way as material in GCG.  Differences between contents of GCG and Longleat 39A indicate (as one should expect) that certain charters copied c. 1340 no longer existed in the fifteenth century, and that several charters which had not been included in GCG remained in the muniments; also some charters not recorded in 1247 which do occur in the later list.  Descriptions of charters closely related to headings in the ‘Great Cartulary’, and to list of its contents; perhaps both adapted formulaically from endorsements on single sheets.  Many of the Anglo-Saxon charters which had been included in GCG duly appear in the inventory, indicating that they still existed on single sheets; but there are some interesting references to documents which had not been copied in GCG, e.g. L31 (bounds of Winterbourne and Idmiston ‘in vetusta cedula’), and L41 (‘due antique cedule’ concerning the manor of Badbury in the time of King Edgar and St Dunstan).  Additions and corrections to the inventory were made by various hands in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and are of interest not least because they indicate that the Liber Terrarum still existed even then: one person inserted a reference to a copy of King Edgar’s charter concerning Ham ‘ut patet in landbok’ (cf. LT 83), noting also the existence of ‘una cedula in Anglico de Hamme notabilis ualde’ (L13-14); and another added references to copies of three charters, giving the number of the corresponding text in the Liber Terrarum (L3a, with reference to LT 3; L11, with reference to LT 91; and L12, with reference to LT 82).  Single-sheet copies made from Liber Terrarum?>

<Obits entered in a thirteenth-century customary (BL Add. 17450, 5v); ptd Rentalia et Custumaria Michaelis de Ambresbury 1235-1252 et Rogeri de Ford 1252-1261 Abbatum Monasterii Beatae Mariae Glastoniae, ed. C. J. Elton, Somerset Record Society 5 (1891), p. 6.  For further discussion, see M. Blows, ‘A Glastonbury Obit-List’, Glastonbury Abbey, ed. Abrams and Carley, pp. 257-69.>

<Glastonbury abbey dissolved in 1539.  Estates and muniments acquired by Sir John Thynne; see Harris, pp. vi-ix.  Great Cartulary, and two single sheets (S 236, and S 563), still at Longleat House.  Two other single sheets from the archive.  S 553 (transferred from Glastonbury to Wells); see Abrams, ‘“Lucid Intervals”’.  S 248 (early modern copy); see L. Abrams, ‘A Single-Sheet Facsimile of a Diploma of King Ine for Glastonbury’, Glastonbury Abbey, ed. Abrams and Carley, pp. 97-133.>

Charters of Glastonbury

Royal diplomas.  152; 227; 236; 237; 238; 246; 247; 248; 250; 251; 253; 257; 270a; 288; 292; 303; 341; 347; 371; 399; 426; 431; 442; 462; 466; 472; 473; 474; 481; 498; 499; 504; 509; 513; 524; 530; 541; 551; 553; 555; 563; 568; 580; 625; 626; 644; 721; 742; 743; 747; 764; 775; 783; 791; 793; 866; 871; 966.  See also 1665-1781. 

<Copies of certain charters in other archives?>

Miscellaneous.  1249; 1253; 1410.

Select bibliography

WM, GP, pp. 196-8; Mon. Angl. i. 1-18; Not. Mon. (Somerset), no. XXII; Mon. Angl. (rev. ed.) i. 1-79; VCH Somerset ii. 82-99; MRH, p. 66; HRH, pp. 50-2.

  Edition: Charters of Glastonbury, ed. L. Abrams (in preparation).

L. Abrams, ‘“Lucid Intervals”: a Rediscovered Anglo-Saxon Royal Diploma from Glastonbury Abbey’, Journal of the Society of Archivists 10.2 (1989), pp. 43-56; L. Abrams, ‘A Single-Sheet Facsimile of a Diploma of King Ine for Glastonbury’, Glastonbury Abbey, ed. Abrams and Carley, pp. 97-133; L. Abrams, The Estates of Glastonbury Abbey, Studies in Anglo-Saxon History (Woodbridge, forthcoming); L. Abrams and J. P. Carley, ed., The Archaeology and History of Glastonbury Abbey (Woodbridge, 1991); J. P. Carley, Glastonbury Abbey: the Holy House at the Head of the Moors Adventurous (Woodbridge, 1988); J. Crick, ‘The Marshalling of Antiquity: Glastonbury’s Historical Dossier’, Glastonbury Abbey, ed. Abrams and Carley, pp. 217-43; Edwards, Charters of the Early West Saxon Kingdom, pp. 1-78; S. Foot, ‘Glastonbury’s Early Abbots’, Glastonbury Abbey, ed. Abrams and Carley, pp. 163-89; K. Harris, Glastonbury Abbey Records at Longleat House: a Summary List, Somerset Record Society 81 (Taunton, 1991); T. Hearne, ed., Johannis Confratris et Monachi Glastoniensis Chronica sive Historia de Rebus Glastoniensibus [= JG], 2 vols. (Oxford, 1726); T. Hearne, ed., Adami de Domerham Historia de Rebus Gestis Glastoniensibus [= AD], 2 vols. (Oxford, 1727); S. C. Morland, Glastonbury, Domesday and Related Studies (Glastonbury, 1991); C. A. R. Radford, ‘Glastonbury Abbey before 1184: Interim Report on the Excavations, 1908-64’, Medieval Art and Architecture at Wells and Glastonbury, British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 4 (London, 1981), pp. 110-34; J. Scott, The Early History of Glastonbury (Woodbridge, 1981); N. E. Stacy, ‘The Estates of Glastonbury Abbey c. 1050-1200’, unpubl. DPhil. thesis, University of Oxford (1971).