Winchester, New Minster

These notes originated in the early 1990s. See now The Charters of the New Minster, Winchester, ed. Sean Miller, Anglo-Saxon Charters 9 (Oxford, 2001).

The New Minster at Winchester (immediately to the north of the cathedral church, or Old Minster) was founded in 901 by King Edward the Elder. It would appear that Edward’s father, Alfred the Great, had built a monasteriolum in Winchester in the mid-880s, to serve as a base for his priest Grimbald (of Saint-Bertin’s), pending an opportunity to install him as bishop of a suitable see; but Grimbald is said to have declined advancement when the see of Canterbury fell vacant (in 888), and it seems that Alfred then conceived the plan to establish a grander minster at Winchester over which Grimbald would preside. It is not clear whether any progress had been made towards this end when Alfred died in 899, and it remained for Edward to take matters further in fulfillment of his father’s intentions. Grimbald himself died on 8 July 901, whereupon the project seems to have assumed another dimension. An early account of the history of the New Minster, written to serve as an introduction to the abbey’s liber vitae (BL Stowe 944), implies that the foundation was intended from the start to serve the special purposes of the king (Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, pp. 81-2 (art. 1); ed. Birch, pp. 3-11). The body of King Alfred was removed from its original resting-place in the Old Minster and reburied in the New Minster, soon after the foundation, and it was also at the New Minster that Alfred’s widow Ealhswith (d. 902) was buried; King Edward’s younger brother Æthelweard was buried in the New Minster c. 920, followed by Edward himself, and soon afterwards by Edward’s son Ælfweard, in 924. <The attentions of King Æthelstan, King Edmund and King Eadred may have been directed more towards other houses; but King Eadwig was buried there in 959. In 964 King Edgar and Bishop Æthelwold are said to have driven the secular clergy from the New Minster, replacing them with monks. Abbot Æthelgar. The abbey continued to prosper in the late tenth and eleventh centuries. Abbot Ælfsige (988-1007), and King Æthelred. King Cnut gave the New Minster a magnificent reliquary cross, depicted in the frontispiece to the ‘Liber Vitae’ (Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, pp. 35-7) Abbot Ælfwine (1031-57), and King Cnut. Queen Emma. Abbot Riwallon (1072-88), formerly prior of Mont Saint-Michel, and the fate of the endowment after the Conquest. For various reasons the community of the New Minster migrated to Hyde Abbey, outside the north gate of the city of Winchester, in 1110. Suffered from the attentions of Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester 1129-71. Destruction of Cnut’s cross.>

The pre-Conquest charters which have survived from the archives of the New Minster are, not surprisingly, of singular historical interest. Pride of place in this respect should perhaps be accorded to the will of King Alfred (S 1507) and to the will of King Eadred (S 1515); but equally there is little in the corpus of royal diplomas to set beside King Edgar’s elaborate grant of privileges (S 745), and there are few diplomas of the more ordinary variety which can match King Æthelred’s charter in favour of his mother, Queen Ælfthryth, with its famous account of the crimes of a certain Wulfbald (S 877, which bears no obvious relation to the New Minster endowment, and may have been deposited in the archives for safe-keeping). The key text bearing on the circumstances of the foundation of the New Minster in the early tenth century is the (undated) vernacular charter which records King Edward’s acquisition from Bishop Denewulf of a specified parcel of land ‘so that I might found a monastery there, for the salvation of my soul and that of my venerable father King Alfred’ (S 1443); S 365 and 366 would appear to have been drawn up on the same occasion as S 1443, in a meeting convened at Southampton in 901, and represent the earliest arguably authentic charters of endowment (Keynes, ‘West Saxon Charters’, pp. 1141-3). S 1417 is a lease granted by the community to a certain thegn called Alfred, with the ‘consent’ of King Æthelstan, and is remarkable not least for its lengthy list of witnesses, comprising (it seems) members of the king’s household, members of the community, a number of the king’s thegns, and (or so one would imagine) some of the burghers of Winchester. Among the series of royal diplomas are five clearly authentic grants to individuals (S 418, 505, 526, 641 and 865), including two priests (Æthelnoth and Eadwulf) who were presumably members of the community; each of these grants is associated with a corresponding vernacular text recording the transfer of the estate by the beneficiary to the New Minster (S 1509, 1418, 1419, 1496 and 1505), of which the first four cited are cast in something approximating to a common form and are likely, therefore to have been composed at the New Minster (perhaps originating as endorsements written on the charters themselves, intended to make explicit the status of the documents as New Minster title-deeds). Yet there were evidently various occasions before as well as after the Conquest on which the monks of the New Minster (or latterly Hyde Abbey) felt the need to modify or to fabricate title-deeds to suit a particular purpose: S 379, for example, must once have been an authentic charter of King Æthelstan, issued on 11 January 933, but for some reason it has been systematically altered into a charter of King Edward, dated 921; S 360 and 370, dated ‘900’ and ‘903’ respectively, are forgeries which have probably done more to confuse understanding of the early history of the New Minster than they may have done to serve its later purposes; and at least two other charters (S 648, 746) appear also to owe their existence in their received forms to disputes which arose over the abbey’s endowment in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

The so-called ‘New Minster Foundation Charter’ (S 745), drawn up under the auspices of Bishop Æthelwold, at the Old Minster, in 966, to commemorate (or in retrospect to justify) the reform of the New Minster, in 964, was produced quite exceptionally in the form of a book (BL Cotton Vespasian A. viii (Davis 1049)). For further details, see Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, pp. 26-8, with Plates I-IV. The book opens with a spectacular portrait of King Edgar presenting the charter to Christ (fol. 2v), with an explanatory caption opposite (fol. 3r); the text itself, written throughout in gold letters, extends from fol. 3v to fol. 33v, but at least one leaf is missing between fols. 29 and 30, with the loss of a chapter which indicated how the privilegium was to be read out to the monks during the course of the year, and perhaps with the loss of further material as well. Copies of at least two of the documents which would have been central to the New Minster’s conception of its historical identity were entered in the abbey’s ‘Liber Vitae’: the will of King Alfred the Great (S 1507), and the record of Edward the Elder’s acquisition of land at Winchester from Bishop Denewulf (S 1443). The compiler of the ‘Liber Vitae’ also provided lists of the names of the New Minster’s benefactors (Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, pp. 86-7 and 94 (arts. 15, 19); ed. Birch, pp. 22 and 53-6); but unfortunately these lists do not specify whatever was given. The ‘Foundation Charter’ and the ‘Liber Vitae’ were used later as suitable places for the insertion of copies of other records. Similarly, available space in a gospel-book which had been written at Canterbury in the early eleventh century was used in the 1080s, or thereabouts, for entering a copy of the important letter from Archbishop Fulco to King Alfred, concerning Grimbald’s prospects in England (Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 182-6 and 331-3); for this reason the gospel-book in question has come to be known as the ‘Grimbald Gospels’ (BL Add. 34890).

It is unfortunate that there is no cartulary from the New Minster to set beside the twelfth-century ‘Codex Wintoniensis’, from the Old Minster, and the inevitable result is that in documentary terms the New Minster seems to be very much in the shadow of the older foundation. The earliest surviving cartulary of Hyde Abbey (BL Cotton Domitian A. xiv (Davis 1047)) was compiled in the late thirteenth century (with later additions). The contents, organised on a topographical basis, include copies of seven of the abbey’s pre-Conquest charters (S 374, 360, 418, 470, 865, 845, 956); the texts are generally of good quality, but omit the vernacular boundary-clauses. A revised version of the cartulary (BL Harley 1761 (Davis 1048)) was produced in the late fourteenth century, again with later additions; an interesting set of annals, added on fols. 14-22, covers the period from 872 to c. 1415, and provides information in three columns on kings of Wessex and England, abbots of the New Minster or Hyde Abbey, and bishops of Winchester. The Harley cartulary contains six of the same pre-Conquest charters (S 418 is missing), but it would appear that the texts were copied direct from Domitian A. xiv; the cartulary also contains a copy of the so-called ‘Golden Charter’ of Edward the Elder for the New Minster (S 370, dated 903), which is not found in Domitian A. xiv (or in the ‘Liber abbatiae’, described further below). At least one other cartulary of Hyde Abbey is known to have existed in the seventeenth century. In his biography of Alfred the Great, written in the early 1640s, John Spelman has occasion to state that a record of Alfred’s death was added to ‘Asser’s story’, as seen in Henry of Huntingdon, ‘and also by the Leiger Book of Hyde-Abbey in Sir Ch. H. hands’ (The Life of Ælfred the Great, ed. T. Hearne (Oxford, 1709), p. 185); the allusion was evidently to the ‘register’ of Hyde Abbey noted in Dugdale’s list of cartularies (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Dugdale 48, fol. 57r) as being in the hands of Sir Christopher Hatton (above, p. 00).

The major source for the New Minster charters is, however, the house chronicle known as the ‘Liber abbatiae’ (Davis 1051), compiled in the first half of the fifteenth century (Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards). The ‘Liber abbatiae’ begins with a lengthy and largely worthless (though not uninteresting) account of English history down to the reign of King Alfred. There follows a text of King Alfred’s will (perhaps derived directly from the ‘Liber Vitae’); the distinction made between Alfred’s ‘Testamentum’ (Edwards, pp. 52-4), and his ‘Secundum Testamentum’ (ibid., pp. 62-6), reflects the layout of the text in BL Stowe 944, and may correspond to successive stages in the development of the will itself (Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, pp. 98-9 (art. 25); see also Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 173-4). The ‘Liber abbatiae’ continues with accounts of the reigns of Alfred’s successors, from Edward the Elder to Cnut. These historical sections are interspersed with groups of charters entered in their appropriate chronological position, all but one of which (S 877) pertain in some way to the endowment of the New Minster. The charters include wills, leases and ‘private’ records, as well as royal diplomas, suggesting that the compiler of the ‘Liber abbatiae’ was prepared to include every kind of documentation he could find. The vernacular texts, and the vernacular parts of Latin texts, are given first ‘in lingua Saxonica’, and thereafter ‘in lingua Anglica’ (in effect, the English current at the time of compilation) and in Latin translation; the texts ‘in lingua Anglica’ and the Latin translations are naturally of interest for their own sake, and in some instances the text in current English supplies information accidentally omitted from the text ‘in lingua Saxonica’ (e.g. Edwards, pp. 86-7, 245, 249). One must suppose that all of the texts are copied here in good faith, and that the few spurious charters in the collection represent the activities and pretensions of an earlier generation; curiously enough, Edward the Elder’s ‘Golden Charter’ for the New Minster (S 370) is not included. The ‘Liber abbatiae’ ends abruptly in the middle of its account of the reign of Cnut. Edwards (p. xix) supposed that the work was ‘unfinished’; but since the text ends at the foot of a leaf (fol. 39v), and since the next (and final) leaf of the quire is missing, it seems likely that some leaves have been removed from the end. The missing portion would presumably have included a text of King Cnut’s charter for the New Minster, dated 1019 (S 956).

It would be natural to assume that the ‘Liber abbatiae’ was compiled by a member of the community of Hyde Abbey; but in fact there is reason to believe that it was compiled by none other than Thomas Rudborne, monk of St Swithun’s (i.e. the Old Minster), who was active in the 1440s and 1450s, and who is best known for his Historia Maior ecclesiae Wintoniensis (Anglia Sacra, ed. Wharton, i. 179-286). Attention was drawn to this possibility by Stevenson, Church Historians II.ii, p. xvi, and, to greater effect, by Gransden, Historical Writing II, pp. 391-2 (at 391, n. 7), 394-8 (at 395, n. 30), and 493-4. The evidence is largely circumstantial. In the first place, Rudborne’s Historia Maior shares certain unusual features with the ‘Liber abbatiae’ of Hyde Abbey. Among the authorities for the Historia Maior, Rudborne cites Vigilantius’s De basilica Petri (bearing on the early history of the church of St Peter, Winchester) and Gerard of Cornwall’s De gestis regum West-Saxonum. Both of these works are also cited by the compiler of the ‘Liber abbatiae’ (Edwards, pp. 7, 21, 181; 62, 111, 123); yet, strangely, there does not appear to be any evidence that they had a separate existence, and it is likely, in fact, that they did not exist outside the imagination of the compilers (or compiler) of the Winchester house-chronicles. Secondly, there can be no doubt that the Historia Maior and the ‘Liber abbatiae’ are closely related to each other, to the extent that certain passages or turns of phrase are common to both (e.g. Wharton, pp. 202 and 208, and Edwards, pp. 21 and 61-2). Thirdly, Rudborne would appear to have been familiar with material preserved in the archives of Hyde Abbey, to judge not only from his citations of the will of King Alfred (Wharton, p. 206), and of the writ of Eadwine the child-master (ibid., p. 210), but also from his detailed knowledge of the history of Hyde Abbey estates, contained in his account of the various lands granted to the New Minster in the tenth and eleventh centuries which were appropriated by King William I (ibid., pp. 248-9). Fourthly, a sixteenth-century copy of a collection of Winchester material (BL Cotton Vespasian D. ix, fols. 11-43) adds further to the impression that a connection existed between Rudborne’s work on the history of St Swithun’s, and other texts dealing with the history of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey. Two texts related to or abstracted from Rudborne’s Historia Maior, on fols. 12r-24r and fols. 25r-28v, are followed by separate notes naming the queens and nobles buried at St Swithun’s, on fol. 29rv, and then by a short tract on the founders and benefactors of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, on fols. 30r-34r. This tract (printed in Mon. Angl. i. 208-11, whence Mon. Angl. (rev. ed.) ii. 435-7) proves to be of considerable historical interest; for further discussion, see Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, p. 36, n. 188, and p. 45, n. 282. Its opening section, on the foundation of the abbey, is related to the so-called Vita Prima of Grimbald (Monastic Breviary IV, ed. Tolhurst, 288r-291r), and leads into an account of the circumstances behind the removal of the community from the New Minster to Hyde Abbey in 1110; this is followed by a list of benefactors and their respective gifts, which is evidently related to information of the same kind found in other contexts (see further below), and by a continuation which gives details of troubles suffered by Hyde Abbey at different times, notably at the hands of Henry of Blois. Fifthly, certain remarks made by the antiquary John Rous of Warwick (1411-91) might be taken to imply that the ‘Liber abbatiae’ was considered in the second half of the fifteenth century to be a work of recent origin. For Rous’s Historia Regum Angliae, written in the late 1480s, see Joannis Rossi Antiquarii Warwicensis Historia Regum Angliae, ed. T. Hearne (Oxford, 1716), and Gransden, Historical Writing II, pp. 309-27. Rous alludes to an occasion when he met Thomas Rudborne, monk of St Swithun’s, Winchester, describing him as a distinguished chronicler (Hearne, p. 73); more to the point, he acknowledges elsewhere the kindness of the abbot of Hyde in showing him what was evidently a copy of the ‘Liber abbatiae’, referring to information on the foundation of the University of Oxford (by King Alfred) and on the refoundation of the University of Cambridge (by King Edward the Elder), and remarking that he found it ‘in a well arranged (bene indictata) and noble Chronicle, which was written out, from an ancient and old-fashioned hand (de vetusta & antiqua manu), in a modern and well-regulated hand (nova manu & placida), so that it would not perish’ (ibid., p. 96). The only surviving medieval manuscript of the ‘Liber abbatiae’ is that which has been preserved since 1742 in the library of the Earls of Macclesfield, at Shirburn Castle, Oxfordshire (see below). Comparison of the script of this manuscript with entries in the ‘Liber Vitae’ of Hyde Abbey suggests that it was written during the second quarter of the fifteenth century; and if we may suppose that this was the ‘modern’ copy which Rous had in mind, his remark could be taken to imply that the ‘Liber abbatiae’ had been produced quite recently, in order to safeguard more ancient testimony. Finally, one should note that Dr John Pits (1560-1616), a native of Hampshire who had been educated at Winchester College, for whatever reason ascribed to Thomas Rudborne a work entitled ‘De rebus Hidensis Monasterii. Librum unum’ (Relationum Historicarum de Rebus Anglicis Tomus Primus (Paris, 1619), pp. 668-9).

The detailed information on the benefactors of the New Minster, contained in the tract on the founders and benefactors of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey (BL Cotton Vespasian D. ix, fols. 30r-40r, at 31r-32v, most readily accessible in Mon. Angl. (rev. ed.), p. 436), appears to represent a tradition which is independent of the ‘Liber abbatiae’. As we have seen, related material is found in other contexts, notably in BL Harley 1761, fol. 120v (cf. Finberg, ECW, nos. 73, 87, 144, 146, 272), and in Rudborne’s Historia Maior (Wharton, pp. 248-9). The information is presented in a way which suggests that it was based on a larger number of charters than has chanced to survive; and it offers a view of the abbey’s endowment which differs in various respects from the picture which can be pieced together from surviving charters.

Hyde Abbey surrendered to the agents of King Henry VIII in April 1539, and in June 1540 a lease of the site and buildings was granted to Thomas Wriothesley (1505-50), appointed Lord Chancellor of England in 1544 and created first Earl of Southampton in 1547. Wriothesley is known to have been one of those active in September 1538 in clearing the abbey of all of its relics; and one can but wonder what use he made of the place itself, and of whatever he might have found there, while it remained in his possession in the early 1540s. In 1543 Winchester College acquired ownership of the estate at Woodmancott, Hants., which had formerly belonged to the abbey; and in 1546 the site of the abbey was granted to a certain Richard Bethell of Hyde, who, ten years previously, had obtained a 99-year lease of the estate at Woodmancott from the abbot and convent, and whose affairs in this respect were inseparable from those of the college. It was presumably in connection with these transactions that the college itself came into the possession of a miscellaneous collection of Hyde Abbey muniments; see Harvey, ‘Hyde Abbey and Winchester College’, and Himsworth, Winchester College Muniments II, pp. 514-31. It would also appear that some of the single-sheet charters from the archive, and at least one cartulary, were acquired by John Fisher (d. 1591), of Chilton Candover, in Hampshire. The signature ‘jjohn ffyssher’ occurs in the bottom right-hand corner of the face of each of the four surviving single sheets (S 360, 470, 956 and 1417); and Fisher wrote the inscription ‘Iste liber pertinet ad me Joh. Fysschere’ on the penultimate leaf of Harley 1761 (fol. 190v). It is striking to find a man of Fisher’s relatively modest station in life taking such obvious pride in his ownership of monastic muniments; and while one might wish to imagine that he had rescued the charters and the cartulary from the ruins of Hyde Abbey, in a frenzy of antiquarian zeal, it seems more likely that he had acquired them by less adventurous means, perhaps direct from William Bethell, his distant kinsman, in connection with his involvement on Bethell’s behalf in litigation which took place in 1579-88 about the rights of pasture enjoyed by tenants of Winchester College at Brown Candover (on which see Himsworth, Winchester College Muniments III, pp. 1095-1109, at 1098-1100). The four single-sheet charters appear to have passed thereafter from Fisher into the safe-keeping of Winchester College, where they remain (ibid. II, p. 515). Other muniments from Hyde Abbey were dispersed in different directions; for example, a single-sheet charter which may have been a variant form of S 746 (copied in BL Vespasian A. viii) belonged c. 1630 to Sir Edward Coke (above, p. 000), and is now lost.

<PRO, C142/232, no. 52: Inq. p. m. John Fisher of Chilton Candover. RB iv.14-15, 22-3, 43.> <WCM 19625 is described as ‘MS Book of William Fyssher in his own hand’, which in 1576 belonged to William Bethell, gent.: consists of extracts from Harley 1761. WF was JF’s son.>

The history of the surviving manuscript of the ‘Liber abbatiae’, between the surrender of Hyde Abbey in 1539 and the ‘discovery’ of the manuscript in the library at Shirburn Castle in 1861, is a matter of some interest in its own right; cf. Edwards, pp. xviii-xx and lxxxiv-lxxxvi. It is not certain who owned the ‘Liber abbatiae’ in the latter half of the sixteenth century, though the manuscript (or something closely related to it) was well known to the fraternity of antiquaries. Nicholas Harpsfield (d. 1575) made some use of it for his Historia Anglicana Ecclesiastica (above, p. 000), and an abstract of it was made by John Stow in August 1572 (BL Lansdowne 717), copied by another hand in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century (BL Stowe 58 (Davis 1052)). The manuscript was used thereafter by Sir Henry Spelman, who had occasion to cite it for historical purposes in his Concilia (1639), and who was also conscious of it as a source for texts of Anglo-Saxon charters (above, p. 000); extracts from it occur among the papers of John Selden (London, Lincoln’s Inn, MS. Hale 13, fols. 54r-57r, and MS. Hale 100, fols. 69r-77r), and it was used quite extensively by Michael Alford (d. 1652), for his Fides Regia Britannica (above, p. 000). In fact, the ‘Liber abbatiae’ seems to have belonged to Spelman himself, for it can be identified among the manuscripts from Spelman’s library sold at auction in December 1709 (above, p. 000). The manuscript appears to have passed into the collection of Walter Clavell (who also owned the ‘Liber Vitae’), and was acquired at the Clavell sale in 1742 by George Parker, 2nd Earl of Macclesfield (Liber Vitae, ed. Keynes, p. 74, n. 16). It remains to this day in the library of the Earls of Macclesfield, at Shirburn Castle, Oxfordshire.

Charters of the New Minster, Winchester

Royal diplomas. 360; 365; 366; 370; 374; 379; 418; 470; 505; 526; 641; 648; 660; 745; 746 + 1589; 842; 845; 865; 869; 877; 956. (For S 947, see under Peterborough.)

Writs. 1428. (Another copy of S 1428 was preserved at the Old Minster, Winchester.)

Miscellaneous. 1417; 1418; 1419; 1420; 1443. (Another copy of S 1443 was preserved at the Old Minster, Winchester.)

Wills. 1491; 1496; 1498; 1505; 1507; 1509; 1515.

Select bibliography

WM, GP, pp. 173-4; Mon. Angl. i. 208-12; Not. Mon. (Hants.), no. XXXV (3); Mon. Angl. (rev. ed.) ii. 427-50; VCH Hants. ii. 116-22; MRH, p. 81; HRH, pp. 80-2.

Biddle, M., and D. J. Keene, ‘Winchester in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, Winchester in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. Biddle, Winchester Studies 1 (Oxford, 1976), pp. 241-448, at 313-21;
Biddle, M., and B. Kjølbye-Biddle, ed., The Old and the New Minsters in Winchester, Winchester Studies 4.i (Oxford, forthcoming);
Biddle, M., and R. N. Quirk, ‘Excavations near Winchester Cathedral, 1961’, Archaeological Journal 119 (1962), pp. 150-94, at 173-82 (Appendix I: ‘The Three Saxon Minsters at Winchester: Documentary Evidence’);
Birch, W. de G., ed., Liber Vitae: Register and Martyrology of New Minster and Hyde Abbey Winchester, Hampshire Record Society (London, 1892);
Brooks, N. P., ‘The Oldest Document in the College Archives? The Micheldever Forgery’, Winchester College: Sixth Centenary Essays, ed. R. D. Custance (Oxford, 1982), pp. 189-228;
Edwards, E., ed., Liber Monasterii de Hyda, Rolls ser. (London, 1866);
Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England II: c. 1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982), pp. 391-2;
Grierson, P., ‘Grimbald of Saint-Bertin’s’, English Historical Review 55 (1940), pp. 529-61, at 554-7;
Harvey, J. H., ‘Hyde Abbey and Winchester College’, Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 20 (1956), pp. 48-55;
Himsworth, S., et al., Winchester College Muniments: a Descriptive List, 3 vols. (Chichester, 1976-84);
Keynes, S., ed., The ‘Liber Vitae’ of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester, Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile 26 (Copenhagen, 1996);
Kjølbye-Biddle, B., ‘Old Minster, St Swithun’s Day 1093’, Winchester Cathedral Nine Hundred Years 1093-1993, ed. J. Crook (Chichester, 1993), pp. 13-20;
Lowe, K., ‘“As Fre as Thowt”?: Some Medieval Copies and Translations of Old English Wills’, English Manuscript Studies 1100-1700 4 (1993), pp. 1-23, at 15-19;
Quirk, R. N., ‘Winchester New Minster and its Tenth-Century Tower’, Journal of the Archaeological Association, 3rd ser. 24 (1961), pp. 16-54;
Rissanen, M., ‘Middle English Translations of Old English Charters in the Liber Monasterii de Hyda: a Case of Historical Error Analysis’, Linguistics Across Historical and Geographical Boundaries I, ed. D. Kastovsky and A. Szwedek (Berlin, 1986), pp. 591-603;
Rumble, A. R., <in Winchester Studies vol.> (forthcoming);
Stevenson, J., The Church Historians of England II.ii (London, 1854), pp. 483-520;
Tolhurst, J. B. L., ed., The Monastic Breviary of Hyde Abbey, Winchester IV, Henry Bradshaw Society 78 (London, 1939);
Yorke, B., ‘The Bishops of Winchester, the Kings of Wessex and the Development of Winchester in the Ninth and Early Tenth Centuries’, Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 40 (1984), pp. 61-70.

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